It’s On

Here’s the evidence. Read it.
Here’s a little more. Read that too.
Here’s a lot more. Read it all.

Weep or not, as you prefer. For myself, I’m done with tears. And I’m too much of a realist to deny objective evidence and its implications.

In either case, the question becomes: What now?


If you use your senses routinely and are willing to credit what they tell you, Col. Bunny’s citation of Vox Day below didn’t tell you anything you don’t already know. But then, neither did Robert S. Oculus. Neither did Paul Kersey. Neither did the badly maligned and maltreated John Derbyshire.

These gentlemen have been reviled so brutally as to make me wonder whether I’m being a fool for not concealing my identity and location. Yet what have they done, other than present verifiable facts and talk about their obvious implications?

Those implications weren’t “politically correct.” That’s where the trouble arises. White Americans have been steeped in something its boosters call “multiculturalism” and the great Mark Steyn called “societal Stockholm Syndrome.” I leave it to you to decide which of the above labels better describes the condition.

When it comes to the violence, the brutality, and the all too evident hostility toward whites that blacks have manifested these past few decades, we have been bludgeoned into accepting all sorts of excuses — excuses that would never pass muster if applied to some other demographic cohort. The typical white American is internally so inhibited against looking plainly and speaking fearlessly about black-on-white violence that were he to be forced to do so, it might cause him a stroke.

Hot Flash To The Perpetually Somnolent: Blacks don’t suffer the same inhibitions. Their mouthpieces speak openly of hatred for whites. They do all they can to whip up black hatred of whites among their fellows. If they grasp the inevitable consequences of such rhetoric, either it doesn’t concern them or they expect to be safely and cozily dead before those consequences get here.

But we live in a universe with laws beyond Man’s power to break. The deliberate evocation of racial hatred has put a train of events in motion that can have only one outcome — and it would appear from the most recent events that that outcome is no longer a distant possibility the bien-pensants can pooh-pooh as a chimera over canap├ęs and white wine.

That race war I’ve been wringing my hands about? It’s on.


At the base of the problem, as is always the case when we confront a violent social division, is politics.

When I wrote this short story and this exegesis upon it, I was of course focused on international relations: the techniques by which fractious, quarrelsome nation-states jockey with one another for prestige and other advantages. However, the approach can be applied equally effectively to relations between the races. The same analysis yields the same insight into underlying principles…and the same conclusions about what must be done.

Briefly and bluntly, when two identifiable groups disagree on fundamental moral principles, they must be rigidly separated from one another to avert bloodshed. If they aren’t rigidly separated, bloodshed will ensue. That’s what it means to differ on fundamental moral principles. “Morally different” is merely a circumlocution for evil.

Just in case any of this isn’t utterly pellucid, the fundamental moral principles at issue here are the following:

Aggressive violence toward peaceable others is evil.
He who shields a violent aggressor from his just deserts is an accessory to the crime.

Yet the thrust of all race-centered politics these past fifty years has been to soften the hand of Justice toward black lawbreakers, at least in comparison to the treatment meted out to whites convicted of comparable crimes. Moreover, blacks generally have displayed a powerful tendency to shield black lawbreakers, whether by denying their guilt or by demanding special accommodations for them that a white criminal would not receive. Blacks’ coherence as a voting bloc in supporting left-liberal politicians and their favored policies has put a huge impetus behind this two-tiered approach to penal justice.

You’ve heard all the excuses. “The legacy of slavery.” “Pervasive discrimination.” “Structural racism.” “Unequal opportunity.” “Capitalist oppression.” There have been others, but those are the most frequently cited.

The excuses wouldn’t matter even if they were both accurate and apposite. Take any vicious crime: a murder, a rape, a violent mugging, what have you. Conceal all details of race, both of the perpetrator and of his victim, from some passerby and ask him what should happen to the miscreant. Once you have his response, ask whether his opinion would change if the perp were black and the victim were white.

If the passerby is white, he’ll be made visibly uncomfortable by the suggestion. If he’s black, be ready for anything. An angry retort is virtually guaranteed. Violence is possible.

In a way, it’s natural. When we sense that Smith is “one of us,” and is under assault by “the other,” our impulse is to protect him. But that natural impulse is obviously an impediment to attempts at racial integration…and it’s been amplified by the anti-white rhetoric of black racialist hucksters for just as long.

The past fifty years’ sallies at racial integration, at equalizing the legal and political positions of black and white Americans, and at dealing with the “residual” tensions as the two races approached “equality” have struggled against that impulse. So far, the impulse, which is equally the driver for all trends toward racial segregation, has had the upper hand.

When I wrote:

[D]espite everything, the great majority of American blacks are devout Christians who strive with all their might and main to live according to their faith. If you’re a white Christian, used to the tenor of the religious services that white Christians normally attend, you’d be blown away by the fervor of a service at a Southern Baptist or Church of God in Christ meeting. There’s no hypocrisy there: these folks are passionate Christians who really mean it, in all particulars.

How much greater an injustice could we do than to group these good and gentle people with the thugs who exploit black class privileges to the hilt, cynically and ruthlessly, to the detriment of all of American society?

…I meant it sincerely. I work with several such persons, and they have my respect…right up to the point where they declaim about “the legacy of slavery,” “pervasive discrimination,” “structural racism,” and so forth. Given the hazards to which an American — a white American — in corporate employment is exposed if he dares to make an objective statement about race relations, I’ve managed to avoid expressing my own opinions. But I can’t help asking: If intelligent blacks working in a demanding field can’t escape the racialist corral erected by the Jesse Jacksons, the Al Sharptons, the Jeremiah Wrights, and similar villains, what hope is there for anyone else?

Which is why I ask: What now?


I’m a child of the Civil Rights Era. I’ve yearned for the day when Martin Luther King’s “I Have A Dream” vision would become the unquestioned reality of our nation. It has not arrived. If anything, it’s receded further from reality with every passing year.

Intelligent people who would never act so foolishly in any other venue have collaborated in the suppression of information about black-on-white violence, black cultural pathologies, and blacks’ hatred of whites. I have a special animus for “journalists” who have done so; their betrayal of their occupational responsibilities played a large part in bringing us to where we stand today.

The race war is on.
Recent black attacks on whites are the opening skirmishes.
If more and worse violence can be avoided by “negotiations,” the time for the effort is now.
I don’t plan to leave myself defenseless if they should fail.
What about you, Gentle Reader?

Pray.