You’ve probably seen this quote before:
Political tags—such as royalist, communist, democrat, populist, fascist, liberal, conservative, and so forth—are never basic criteria. The human race divides politically into those who want people to be controlled and those who have no such desire. The former are idealists acting from highest motives for the greatest good of the greatest number. The latter are surly curmudgeons, suspicious and lacking in altruism. But they are more comfortable neighbors than the other sort. — Robert A. Heinlein
Essayist Gene Van Shaar sharpens the spear:
Would you like to marry a tyrant? Do you want to work for a micro-manager? Do you want to live in a totalitarian country? Do you want to love and lift your family and friends, or do you want to bully them?
Heinlein and Van Shaar are spot-on. No one wants to associate with others who seek to control him. We distance ourselves from such persons… with one exception: if they share our political priorities in all particulars.
Controllers will congregate with other controllers. Persons avid for “the authorities” to impose a particular kind and degree of control will find one another, as well. In the current reshuffling of population among “red” and “blue” states and districts, we’re seeing that dynamic in action. But there is another kind of neighborhood that’s far less susceptible to alteration.
Two days hence, Donald Trump will be re-inaugurated as President of these United States. This is obviously a highly significant event, for reasons I’m sure I need not enumerate. But not everyone is pleased about it. Consider this emission, from one of our neighbors to the North:
As the “reconfigurer-in-chief” at this particular moment, Donald Trump will be, in philosopher Georg Hegel’s terms, a world-historical figure. If he brings an end to the American democratic republic, he’ll unequivocally rank alongside Washington and Lincoln as among the most significant presidents. But he’s likely to be far bigger than even that. We might not want to concede the fact, but Mr. Trump will probably, in time, take his place in the pantheon of history’s most consequential figures.
[…]
Indeed, the essential paradox of Mr. Trump’s impact is that he’s constantly generating “certain uncertainty.” We know for sure that he’s going to create disorder – he’s already doing so, and he’s not even President yet – partly because he’s so mercurial. But Mr. Trump has an additional, special power. He has a preternatural ability – almost like a powerful acid – to dissolve the institutional, legal and normative constraints around him, creating the conditions for a constitutive moment. And as those constraints erode, future possibilities multiply exponentially.
[…]
Donald Trump, many of his advisers, and a large slice of his followers are contemptuous of expertise, especially credentialled expertise; they’re ill-informed about history and oblivious to scientific fact.
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Mr. Trump’s narcissism means he desperately seeks adulation.
[…]
Without guardrails, and inflamed by a sense of righteous, inevitable entitlement, Mr. Trump will become increasingly extreme, as his policies don’t work, and his incompetence creates mess. His administration will flood the landscape with disinformation, cooking the statistics on its performance, suppressing federal agencies that might provide unadulterated evidence on worsening trends, and using the power of the federal state to attack scapegoats and critical media. It will order the military to suppress protest, and it will aim to destroy, either directly or through mobilized supporters, anyone in its way.
[…]
Three years ago I warned in these pages that Mr. Trump’s return to the presidency could fatally weaken U.S. democracy, producing a right-wing dictatorship by 2030. Many thought that was an outlandish claim then, but it’s an almost commonplace observation now.
I also asked the question: What should Canada do to prepare? We’ve squandered the time since, so we aren’t remotely ready for the shock Mr. Trump’s signatures will soon unleash.
Our country is now in grave peril. Mr. Trump seems intent on fracturing our federation, by using tariffs and other measures to create an economic crisis severe enough to stimulate secessionist movements, particularly in Alberta, where polling indicates that 30 per cent of the population already thinks the province would be better off as a U.S. state. If a charismatic advocate, well-funded by the friends of the Trump administration, can convince 51 per cent of Albertans to vote in a referendum for secession, does anyone doubt that the U.S. President would demand that the rest of the country let the province leave? And without Alberta, Canada is finished.
[Emphasis added by FWP.]
It’s fairly clear from the above that the author:
Thomas Homer-Dixon (born 1956) is a Canadian political scientist and author who researches threats to global security. He is the founder and Executive Director of the Cascade Institute at Royal Roads University in Victoria, British Columbia. He is the author of seven books, the most recent being Commanding Hope: The Power We Have to Renew a World in Peril.
…isn’t a fan of President Trump or the ascendant populist-conservatism he represents. There are probably many Canadians who feel as he does, especially since Trump has promised to impose an import tariff on Canadian goods to compel it to take border control seriously. But the essay strikes many peculiar notes, both in its evaluations and its predictions.
In the modern, post-monarchical era, it’s common for those who advocate a policy or a sheaf of policies to predict that positive consequences will issue from them. It’s far less common for those advocates to admit to the failure of the policies they’d espoused. More often than not they’ll try to blame negative outcomes on conditions and forces beyond their control. Sometimes they’ll attribute those outcomes to malign actors with a stake in their failure.
Only in societies ruled by an oligarchic Establishment, jealous of its perquisites and intolerant of opposition, will the ruling class name a neighboring nation as the architect of its ills. Such oligarchies don’t always do so, but I know of no relatively free nation that has followed that path…. until Canada.
In pondering policy failures, we must be as honest as possible if we want to learn from our mistakes. But politicians are loath to admit to error. It doesn’t happen often. The ones that are candid enough to do so seldom retain power. So there’s an occupational incentive to find ways to shift the onus of failure to other shoulders.
Canada cannot “choose its neighbor.” Geography won’t permit it. Like or not, it must cope with being adjacent to the larger, more prosperous, and freer United States. Comparisons between the Canadian and American economies inevitably invite questions: We’re so similar in so many ways; why are we so much less prosperous than they?
This is not the place for such an analysis. What matters here is the political effect of our neighborhood: Freedom and enterprise-minded Canadians look to the south. Persons who chafe under the Canadian Establishment’s authoritarian left-liberalism envy Americans for our intermittent successes in keeping Leviathan at bay. Some migrate, as opportunity-seekers have done for centuries. Others look for ways to “import America,” to whatever extent is possible. They love their country. Given their wish, they’d prefer that it be as free and prosperous as the U.S. But decades of devolution under Liberal governments urge them to look elsewhere for what they seek.
This is not a new phenomenon. What is new – to Canada, at least – is the advancing tendency among Canadian Establishmentarians to blame the United States for being the United States. Above all, they blame us for being their neighbor.
Yet neither Canada nor America can do anything about it.
About twelve years ago, I wrote:
Every religion has both a clergy — the “official” celebrants of the sacraments, whatever they are, and keepers of doctrine — and a clerisy — the segment of the lay population that bolsters the religion and its institutions by direct action. The clergy in a given locale is normally a small number of priests or ministers. Clergymen are most visible and approachable before and after an official rite of their church; the rest of the time, they’re much less accessible. The clerisy can and often is considerably more numerous than the clergy. Its members are more visible and active day-to-day among the faithful: organizing and doing works of charity; maintaining the parish’s buildings and other assets; going about the district and keeping other, less involved parishioners “in touch.” The healthiest and most vital parishes and congregations enjoy the attentions of a substantial and energetic clerisy.
One way to view the clerisy is as the parish’s enforcers. No, they don’t run around with guns, chivvying their neighbors to Sunday services. By their words, deeds, and general prominence in church activity, they keep the less active aware of their religious affiliation and “what it’s supposed to mean” in terms of life here on Earth.
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If we view a political affiliation through this lens, we can regard the affiliation’s major promulgators of political principles and central policy positions as its clergy, while those activists who serve to “whip ’em up” in the style of a revival preacher, and who act to penalize deviationism or dissent, as its clerisy.
Among the functions of a clerisy that I neglected to address is the responsibility to “keep ‘em in the fold:” that is, to provide arguments and disincentives to straying from the true faith to some other. The usual form that takes is in denigration of the competition. That can be couched as benevolent disagreement, as fire-and-brimstone condemnation, or some blend of the two. But when a competitor begins to lure congregants away in significant numbers, the clerisy is virtually compelled to get nasty.
In Canada’s case, the Liberal clergy are its public officials, whether elected or appointed, and its most prominent political leaders. Its clerisy consists of persons such as Professor Thomas Homer-Dixon, the essayist cited above. The professor’s acerbity is a sign that Canada’s clergy are “feeling the pinch,” and have issued orders, sotto voce, to the clerisy to mobilize for battle.
Yet no matter what Canada’s commentators and talking heads may say in denigration of President Trump, he won’t be going away until January 20, 2029. And however little they like being America’s neighbor, we’re not going away either.